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Thursday, July 26, 2012


Mtayarishaji: HIVI MUZIKI NI NINI HASA?:  Muziki ni sanaa kama zilivyo sanaa zingine, hivyo hatuna budi kuelewa sanaa ni nini hasa. Imeelezwa kuwa ni ufundi wa kuwasilisha mawazo...

Thursday, June 21, 2012


BUSINESS ACTIVITIES IDEAS:::: 1. Mining and quarrying of asbestos, mica, quartz, gem stones, abrasives, asphalt and bitumen, other non-metallic minerals, n.e.c. 2. Slaughtering, preparing and preserving meat, including sausage, edible animal 3. Processing of inedible oils and fats. 4. Canning, preserving and processing of fish, crustacean and similar foods (except soups). 5. Production of fish meal. 6. Canning and preserving fruits and vegetables n.e.c. (e.g. baked beans, grape 7. Potato flour and meal. 8. Processing of fruits and vegetables n.e.c. (e.g. baked beans, grape sugar, 9. Manufacture of vegetable and animal oils and fats. 10. Manufacture of dairy products. 11. Grain milling: flour, meal, cereal grains; rice milling; vegetable milling; manufacture of breakfast food. 12. Grain milling residue. 13. Manufacture of meal, cake of vegetables, nuts. 14. Manufacture of tapioca; wet corn milling. 15. Manufacture of starch products n.e.c. 16. Manufacture of prepared animal feeds. 17. Manufacture of bakery products (bread, pastry, etc.). 18. Sugar factories and refineries. 19. Production of maple sugar, invert sugar, sugars other than cane or beet. 20. Manufacture of cocoa, chocolate and sugar confectionery. 21. Manufacture of macaroni, noodles, couscous and similar farinaceous products. 22. Manufacture of soup containing meat. 23. Manufacture of soups of vegetables and fruit. 24. Manufacture of fish and seafood soups and specialties. 25. Manufacture of nut foods. 26. Manufacture of soft drinks; production of mineral waters. 27. Preparation and spinning of textile fibers; weaving of textiles. 28. Finishing of textiles. 29. Manufacture of made-up textile articles, except apparel. 30. Manufacture of carpets and rugs. 31. Manufacture of cordage, rope, twine and netting. 32. Manufacture of narrow fabrics, braids, lace. 33. Manufacture of fabric for industrial use, wicks; textiles, n.e.c (e.g. felt, coated or laminated fabrics, painters cloths). 34. Manufacture of knitted and crocheted fabrics and articles. 35. Manufacture of wearing apparel, except fur apparel. 36. Manufacture of artificial fur; horsehair. 37. Manufacture of fur apparel, accessories, trimmings. 38. Fur dressing and dyeing industries. 39. Tanning and dressing of leather. 40. Manufacture of luggage, handbags and the like, saddlery and harness. 41. Manufacture of footwear, except vulcanized or moulded rubber or plastics footwear. 42. Manufacture of footwear wholly of wood. 43. Manufacture of footwear of paper. 44. Manufacture of footwear primarily of vulcanized or moulded rubber. 45. Manufacture of plastics footwear. 46. Sawmilling and planing of wood, including by-products; manufacture of unassembled. 47. Manufacture of wood flour, sawdust. 48. Manufacture of veneers, sheets, plywood, laminated wood, particle board. 49. Manufacture of fibre board, other building board. 50. Manufacture of builders' carpentry and joinery. 51. Manufacture of coopers' products of wood. 52. Manufacture of other products of wood; manufacture of articles of cork, straw and plaiting materials. 53. Manufacture of plaiting materials; baskets and other articles of cane, plaiting materials. 54. Cork processing; manufacture of cork products; small wares of wood, such as tools household utensils, ornaments, caskets, cases; wood articles n.e.c. 55. Manufacture of furnishings of wood, e.g. coat racks, window blinds (not standing furniture). 56. Manufacture of pulp, paper, paperboard. 57. Manufacture of off-machine coated, glazed, gummed, laminated paper and paperboard. 58. Manufacture of carbon paper in rolls or sheets. 59. Manufacture of corrugated paper or paperboard. 60. Manufacture of containers and boxes of paper and paperboard. 61. Manufacture of other articles of paper and paperboard such as plates, utensils, 62. Printing or embossing of stationery and labels. 63. Manufacture of carbon paper, cut to size. 64. Publishing of books, brochures, musical books and other publications. 65. Publishing of newspapers, journals and periodicals. 66. Publishing of recorded media. 67. Other publishing (photos, engravings, postcards, timetables, forms, posters, art reproductions, etc. 68. Printing (periodicals, books, maps, music, posters, catalogues, stamps, currency on account of publishers, producers, government, others) . 69. Service activities related to printing (bookbinding, production of type, plates,etc.) 70. Reproduction of records, audio computer tapes from master copies; reproduction of floppy, hard compact disks. 71. Film and video reproduction. 72. Petroleum refineries. 73. Manufacture of petroleum refinery products from purchased materials. 74. Processing of nuclear fuel. 75. Manufacture of basic chemicals, except fertilizers and nitrogen compounds. 76. Manufacture of products of the nitrogenous fertilizer industry(nitric acid, ammonia, nitrate of potassium, urea). 77. Manufacture of straight, mixed, compound and complex nitrogenous, 78. Manufacture of plastics in primary forms and of synthetic rubber. 79. Manufacture of pesticides and other agro-chemical products. 80. Manufacture of paints, varnishes and lacquers. 81. Manufacture of printers' ink. 82. Manufacture of artists' colours, paints. 83. Manufacture of drugs and medicines. 84. Manufacture of surgical, medical dressings, sutures, bandages; cements used in dentistry. 85. Manufacture of soap and cleaning preparations, perfumes cosmetics and other toilet preparations. 86. Manufacture of polishes for furniture, metal, etc., waxes; deodorizing preparations 87. Edible salt refining. 88. Manufacture of activated carbon; anti-freeze preparations; chemical products for industrial and laboratory use. 89. Manufacture of writing and drawing ink; gelatin products; photochemical products, 90. Manufacture of synthetic filament yarns (spinning and weaving of purchased man-made fibres). 91. Manufacture of man-made filament tow or staple fibres, except glass rubber tyres. 92. Manufacture of rubber tyres and tubes; retreading and rebuilding of rubber tyres 93. Manufacture of synthetic rubber products in basic forms: sheets, rods, etc. 94. Manufacture of tube repair materials. 95. Manufacture of finished or semi-finished products n.e.c. of natural or synthetic rubber (e.g. industrial, pharmaceutical, apparel articles). 96. Manufacture of made-up plastics textile goods, except wearing apparel 97. Manufacture of plastics products in basic forms: sheets, rods, tubes, etc. 98. Manufacture of plastics articles n.e.c. (dinnerware, tiles, builders' parts, etc.) 99. Manufacture of yarn of glass fibres. 100. Manufacture of glass and glass products. 101. Manufacture of glass wool. 102. Manufacture of non-structural non-refractory ceramic ware (pottery, china and earthenware). 103. Manufacture of refractory clay products. 104. Manufacture of non-clay refractory products. 105. Manufacture of structural non-refractory clay and ceramic products. 106. Manufacture of cement, lime and plaster. 107. Manufacture of articles of concrete, cement and plaster. 108. Private Motorvehicles 109. Growing of cereals and other crop n.e.c. (not elsewhere classified). 110. Growing of vegetables, horticultural specialties and nursery products. 111. Gathering of mushrooms, truffles. 112. Growing of fruit, nuts, beverage and spice crops. 113. Farming of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, asses, mules, hinnies; dairy farming. 114. Raising domesticated or wild animals n.e.c (e.g. poultry). 115. Poultry hatchery, silkworm raising, on a fee or contract basis. 116. Growing of crops combined with farming of animals (mixed farming). 117. Landscape gardening. 118. Agricultural and animal husbandry service activities, on a fee contract basis. 119. Cotton ginning. 120. Hunting trapping and game propagation. 121. Catching of sea mammals. 122. Catching of animals in inland waters (e.g. frogs). 123. Tree nurseries, except forest trees. 124. Forestry and related services activities. 125. Logging. 126. Ocean and coastal fishing. 127. Fishing in land waters; fish hatcheries, cultivated beds; fishery service activities. 128. Central banking 129. Monetary intermediation of commercial and other banks 130. Monetary intermediation of savings banks and credit institutions other than banks 131. Financial leasing 132. Other credit granting 133. Financial intermediation by credit institutions other than banks n.e.c. 134. Distributing funds other than by making loans 135. Life insurance 136. Pension funding 137. Non-life insurance 138. Administration of financial markets 139. Security dealing activities 140. Activities auxiliary to financial intermediation; Bureau de change 141. Activities auxiliary to financial intermediation n.e.c. 142. Activities auxiliary to insurance and pension funding 143. Real estate activities with own or leased property 144. Real estate activities on a fee or contract basis 145. Renting of land transport equipment 146. Renting of motorcycles 147. Renting of water transport equipment (without operator) 148. Renting of air transport equipment (without operator) 149. Renting of agricultural machinery and equipment 150. Renting of construction and civil engineering machinery and equipment 151. Renting of office machinery and equipment (including computers) 152. Renting of other machinery and equipment n.e.c. 153. Renting of goods to the general public for personal or household use 154. Renting of office furniture 155. Renting of video tapes 156. Renting of theatrical equipment 157. Renting of creational goods n.e.c. (e.g. bicycles, saddle-horses, pleasure craft, 158. Hardware consultancy 159. Software consultancy and supply 160. Data processing 161. Data base activities 162. Repair of office, computing and accounting machinery 163. Repair of typewriters 164. Other computer related activities 165. Research and experimental development on natural sciences and engineering 166. Basic and general research in the biological, medical and physical sciences 167. Research and experimental development on social sciences and humanities (SSH) 168. Legal activities 169. Market research and public opinion polling 170. Maintenance facilities for road transport 171. Maintenance and repair of motor vehicles 172. Wholesale of motor vehicle parts and accessories 173. Retail sale of motor vehicle parts and accessories 174. Wholesale of motorcycles and snowmobiles and related parts and accessories 175. Retail sale of motorcycles and snowmobiles and related parts and accessories 176. Maintenance and repair of motorcycles and related parts 177. Maintenance and repair of snowmobiles 178. Retail sale of automotive fuel 179. Wholesale on a fee or contract basis 180. Wholesale of agricultural raw materials and live animals 181. Wholesale of food, beverages and tobacco 182. Wholesale of textiles, clothing and footwear 183. Wholesale of other household goods 184. Wholesale of solid and gaseous fuels and related products 185. Wholesale of metals and metal ores 186. Wholesale of construction materials, hardware, plumbing and heating equipment and supplies 187. Wholesale of other intermediate products, waste and scrap 188. Wholesale of machinery, equipment and supplies 189. Other wholesale 190. Retail sale in non-specialized stores with food, beverages or tobacco predominating 191. Other retail sale in non-specialized stores 192. Retail sale of food, beverages and tobacco in specialized stores 193. Retail sale of pharmaceutical and medical goods, cosmetic and toilet articles 194. Retail sale of textiles, clothing, footwear and leather goods 195. Retail sale of household appliances, articles and equipment 196. Retail sale of hardware, paints and glass 197. Other retail sale in specialized stores 198. Retail sale of second-hand goods in stores 199. Retail sale via mail order houses 200. Retail sale via stalls and markets 201. Other non-store retail sale 202. Repair of footwear and other leather goods 203. Electrical repair 204. Watch, clock and jewellery repair 205. Other repair n.e.c. 206. Alteration and repair of made-up personal and household textiles 207. Hotels, rooming houses, camps and other lodging places 208. Sleeping car operation (carried on separately) 209. Restaurants, cafés and other eating and drinking places 210. Dining car operation (carried on separately) 211. Transport via railways 212. Urban and suburban railway transport 213. Scheduled highway passenger transport; Bus 214. Other scheduled passenger land transport 215. Other non-scheduled passenger land transport; taxi operation, town bus 216. Freight transport by road 217. Transport via pipelines 218. Sea and coastal water transport 219. Inland water transport 220. Scheduled air transport 221. Non-scheduled air transport 222. Cargo handling for land transport 223. Cargo handling for water transport 224. Cargo handling for air transport 225. Storage and warehousing 226. Terminals and other railway transport supporting activities, except switching 227. Terminals; maintenance facilities for road vehicles 228. Terminals for freight transport by road 229. Other supporting activities for land transport n.e.c. 230. Other supporting activities for inland water transport 231. Other supporting activities for water transport 232. Other supporting activities for air transport 233. Other supporting transport activities n.e.c. 234. Activities of travel agencies and tour operators n.e.c. 235. Tourist assistance activities n.e.c. 236. Activities of other transport agencies 237. National post activities 238. Courier activities other than national post activities, by road 239. Courier activities other than national post activities, by air 240. Courier activities, with public transport 241. Radio beacon and radar station operation 242. Other telecommunications n.e.c. 243. Radio and television programme transmission, on a fee or contract basis 244. Manufacture of photo-copying machines. 245. Manufacture of electric motors, generators and transformers. 246. Manufacture of radio transformers. 247. Manufacture of switch gear and switchboard apparatus; electricity distribution equipment. 248. Manufacture of semi-conductor circuits. 249. Manufacture of switch, fuses, sockets, plugs, conductors, lightning arresters 250. Manufacture of insulated wire and cable. 251. Manufacture of accumulators, primary cells and primary batteries. 252. Manufacture of metal lamps 253. Manufacture of metal lighting equipment and parts, except for use on cycle and motor equipment 254. Manufacture of electric lamps, fixtures 255. Manufacture of glass insulating fittings 256. Manufacture of graphite products 257. Manufacture of bicycle lighting equipment 258. Manufacture of apparatus for electroplating, electrolysis, electrophoresis 259. Manufacture of dishwashing machines, except household type 260. Manufacture of electric ignition or starting equipment for internal combustion engines clutches electromagnetic and brakes; electric timing, controlling and signaling devices 261. Manufacture of visual and sound signaling and traffic control apparatus 262. Manufacture of motor vehicle lighting equipment; carbon and graphite electrodes other electrical equipment 263. Manufacture of electric windshield wipers, defrosters 264. Farm management activities 265. Manufacture of accelerators (cyclotrons, betatrons); mine detectors 266. Manufacture of electronic valves and tubes and other electronic components 267. Manufacture of television and radio transmitters and apparatus for line telephony and line telegraphy 268. Manufacture of television and radio receivers, sound or video recording or reproducing apparatus, and associated goods 269. Manufacture of medical, surgical dental furniture and fixture 270. Manufacture of X- ray apparatus; electrotherapeutic apparatus 271. Manufacture of surgical, medical, dental equipment, instruments and supplies; 272. Manufacture of prosthetic appliances, artificial teeth made to order 273. Manufacture of radar equipment, radio remote control apparatus 274. Manufacture of instruments and appliances for measuring and controlling process 275. Manufacture of industrial process control equipment 276. Manufacture of optical instruments and photographic equipment 277. Manufacture of watches and clocks 278. Manufacture of watch bands and bracelets of precious metal; jewels for watches 279. Manufacture of motor vehicles 280. Manufacture of industrial trailers; containers and semi-trailers 281. Manufacture of motor vehicle bodies; trailers, semi-trailers; trailers parts 282. Manufacture of parts and accessories for motor vehicles and their engines 283. Manufacture of inflatable rafts (rubber) 284. Manufacture of metal sections for ships and barges 285. Manufacture of floating drilling platforms, oil rings 286. Building and repairing of ships (other than sport and pleasure boats) and specialized parts 287. Building of hovercraft 288. Manufacture of inflatable boats (rubber) 289. Building and repairing of sport and pleasure boats and specialized parts 290. Manufacture of railway and tramway locomotives and rolling stock 291. Manufacture of aircraft and spacecraft 292. Manufacture of motorcycles 293. Manufacture of motorized invalid carriages 294. Manufacture of bicycles, bicycle parts 295. Manufacture of invalid carriages, not motorized 296. Manufacture of children's bicycles 297. Manufacture of hand carts, truck and trolleys (including specialized industrial use) 298. Manufacture of hand-propelled vehicles, animal-drawn vehicles n.e.c. 299. Manufacture of furniture and fixtures, except of plastics or metal 300. Manufacture of plastics furniture 301. Manufacture of furniture and fixtures of metal 302. Manufacture of jewellery and related articles 303. Manufacture of musical instruments 304. Manufacture of whistles, call horns, signaling instruments 305. Manufacture of sports goods 306. Manufacture of mechanical and cin-operated amusement machines 307. Manufacture of billiard and pool tables and equipment 308. Manufacture of toys and games n.e.c. 309. Manufacture of linoleum and hard surface floor coverings 310. Manufacture of whips and riding crops 311. Manufacture of candles, matches 312. Manufacture of vacuum containers 313. Manufacture of baby carriages 314. Manufacture of pens and pencils; costrume jewellery; umbrellas, canes; feathers, artificial flowers; tobacco pipes; stamps; novelties; others manufactured goods, 315. Recycling of metal waste and scrap 316. Recycling of textile fibres 317. Recycling of rubber 318. Gathering of mushrooms, truffles. 319. Growing of fruit, nuts, beverage and spice crops. 320. Farming of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, asses, mules, hinnies; dairy farming. 321. Raising domesticated or wild animals n.e.c (e.g. swine, poultry, rabbits). 322. Poultry hatchery, silkworm raising, on a fee or contract basis. 323. Frog farming. 324. Growing of crops combined with farming of animals (mixed farming). 325. Landscape gardening. 326. Agricultural and animal husbandry service activities, on a fee contract basis. 327. Cotton ginning. 328. Hunting trapping and game propagation. 329. Catching of sea mammals. 330. Catching of animals in inland waters (e.g. frogs). 331. Tree nurseries, except forest trees. 332. Forestry and related services activities. 333. Logging. 334. Ocean and coastal fishing. 335. Fishing in land waters; fish hatcheries, cultivated beds; fishery service activities. 336. Mining and agglomeration of hard coal. 337. On-site gasification of coal. 338. Manufacturing of briquettes of hard coal, at mining site or from purchased coal. 339. Mining and agglomeration of lignite. 340. Manufacturing of briquettes of lignite, at mining site or from purchased coal. 341. Mining and agglomeration of peat. 342. Manufacturing of peat briquettes (not at mine). 343. Extraction of crude petroleum and natural gas. 344. Service activities incidental to oil and gas extraction excluding surveying. 345. Mining of uranium and thorium ores. 346. Mining of iron ores. 347. Mining of non-ferrous metal ores, except uranium and thorium ores. 348. Quarrying of building or monumental stone; mining of ceramic or refractory clay, chalk dolomite. 349. Mining of gypsum, anhydrite. 350. Mining of chemical and fertilizer minerals. 351. Extraction of salt. 352. Mining of feldspar. 353. Cutting, shaping and finishing of stone (not at quarry). 354. Manufacture of asbestos paper. 355. Manufacture of asphalt products. 356. Manufacture of asbestos products; friction material; mineral insulating materials; products; grindstones, abrasive articles of mica, graphite or other mineral substances . 357. Manufacture of primary iron and steel products (excluding forging and casting operations). 358. Manufacture of pipe fittings of iron and steel. 359. Manufacture of cements. 360. Manufacture of primary products of precious and non-ferrous metal (excluding 361. Manufacture of pipe fittings of non-ferrous metal; non-ferrous wire and cable from purchased rod. 362. Casting of iron and steel. 363. Casting of non-ferrous metals. 364. Manufacture of structural metal products. 365. Manufacture of metal reservoirs and tanks for storage and manufacturing use; central heating boilers. 366. Manufacture of radiators, metal containers for compressed and liquefied gas. 367. Manufacture of steam generators, except central heating hot water boilers. 368. Forging of iron and steel metallurgy. 369. Forging of precious and non-ferrous metals. 370. Pressing, stamping of metal products. 371. Treatment and specialized operation on iron and steel, on a fee or contract basis. 372. Treatment and specialized operation on iron and steel, on precious and non ferrous metals, on a fee or contract basis. 373. Treatment and coating of metal (e.g. plating, polishing, engraving, welding), on a fee or contract basis. 374. Manufacture of metal household articles (knives, utensils, etc.); hand tools for agriculture, used gardening; tools by plumbers, carpenters, other trades; locks and general hardware. 375. Manufacture of attachments and accessories for machine tools(whether or not power-operated). 376. Manufacture of hand-operated kitchen appliances. 377. Manufacture of metal goods for office use (excluding furniture). 378. Manufacture of metal fasteners, springs, containers, wire articles, metal sanitary ware, (e.g. sinks), kitchen- safes, picture frames, headgear. 379. Manufacture of small metal articles n.e.c. 380. Manufacture of engines and turbines, except aircraft, vehicle and cycle engines 381. Manufacture of engines and turbines for marine propulsion. 382. Manufacture plumbers, valves, brass goods. 383. Manufacture of laboratory pumps. 384. Manufacture of pumps, air and gas compressors, valves, refrigerating and 385. Manufacture of pumps, compressors for motor vehicles. 386. Manufacture of bearings, gears, gearing and driving elements. 387. Manufacture of non-electrical metal furnaces, stoves, and other space heaters. 388. Manufacture of electrical bakery ovens. 389. Manufacture of industrial process furnaces and ovens (non-electric). 390. Manufacture of derricks; lifting and handling equipment for construction and mining. 391. Manufacture of lifting and hoisting machinery, cranes, elevators, industrial trucks, specialized tractors, stackers; parts for lifting and handling equipment. 392. Manufacture of marine capstans, pulleys, tackles, etc. 393. Manufacture of machinery for packing and packaging; bottling and canning; bottle cleaning; calendering. 394. Manufacture of weighing machines. 395. Manufacture of unit air-conditioners, refrigerating equipment, fans (industrial), gas generators, fire sprinklers, centrifuges, other machinery n.e.c. 396. Manufacture of agricultural and forestry machinery. 397. Manufacture of machine-tools, attachments and accessories for metal and woodworking machinery (non-electric). 398. Manufacture of machine-tools for industrial machinery other than metal and woodworking (non-electric). 399. Manufacture of electric welding equipment. 400. Manufacture of machinery for metallurgy. 401. Manufacture of machinery for mining, quarrying and construction. 402. Manufacture of machinery for food, beverage and tobacco processing. 403. Manufacture of sewing machine cabinets, except of metal. 404. Manufacture of metal sewing machine cabinets. 405. Manufacture of textile machinery. 406. Manufacture of sewing machine; washing, laundry, dry-cleaning, pressing machines. 407. Manufacture of needles for knitting, sewing machines. 408. Manufacture of explosives and ammunition. 409. Manufacture of small arms and accessories, heavy ordnance and artillery; tanks. 410. Manufacture of moulds for metal. 411. Manufacture of prating trade machinery; paper industry machinery; machines foryarns man-made textile fibres or glass-working, tile-making. 412. Manufacture of centrifugal clothes dryers. 413. Manufacture of special purpose machinery n.e.c. 414. Manufacture of non-electric domestic stoves and space heaters. 415. Manufacture of domestic cooking ranges, refrigerators, laundry machines. 416. Manufacture of electrical appliances and house wares. 417. Manufacture of office, accounting and computing machinery. 418. Recycling of products n.e.c. 419. Production, collection and distribution of electricity 420. Manufacture of gas; distribution of gaseous fuels through mains 421. Steam and hot water supply 422. Collection, purification and distribution of water 423. Site preparation 424. Building of complete constructions or parts thereof; civil engineering 425. Real estate development 426. Building installation 427. Installing electrical equipment in homes 428. Building completing 429. Renting of construction or demolition equipment with operator 430. Wholesale of motor vehicles 431. Retail sale of motor vehicles 432. Accounting, book-keeping and auditing activities; tax consultancy 433. Business and management consultancy n.e.c. 434. Architectural and engineering activities and related technical consultancy 435. Technical testing and analysis 436. Advertising n.e.c. 437. Publishers representatives 438. Labour recruitment and provision of personnel 439. Investigation and security activities 440. Building-cleaning activities 441. Janitorial activities 442. Photographic activities 443. Packaging activities 444. Other business activities n.e.c. 445. Telephone answering activities 446. Mail advertising 447. Bill collecting, credit rating, direct mailing, photocopying and duplicating and other business activities n.e.c. 448. Agency activities for engagements in entertainment or sports attractions 449. General (overall) public service activities 450. Regulation of the activities of agencies that provide health care, education, cultural 451. Regulation of and contribution to more efficient operation of business 452. Ancillary service activities for the Government as a whole 453. Foreign affairs 454. Defense activities 455. Public order and safety activities 456. Compulsory social security activities 457. Primary education 458. General secondary education 459. Technical and vocational secondary education 460. Higher education 461. Adult and other education 462. Adult and other vocational education n.e.c. education 463. Activities of barber and beaty schools 464. Hospital activities 465. Medical and dental practice activities 466. Other human health activities 467. Veterinary activities 468. Social work with accommodation 469. Job training and vocational rehabilitation 470. Social work without accommodation 471. Sewage and refuse disposal, sanitation and similar activities 472. Activities of business and employers¿ organizations 473. Activities of professional organizations 474. Activities of trade unions 475. Activities of religious organizations 476. Activities of political organizations 477. Activities of other membership organizations n.e.c. 478. Motion picture and video production 479. Motion picture and video distribution 480. Motion picture projection 481. Production of radio and television programmes, whether or not combined with broadcasting 482. Production of theatrical presentations 483. Authors, music composers and other independent artists (n.e.c.) 484. Dance instruction 485. Other entertainment activities n.e.c. 486. Operation of ballrooms, discotheques, amusement parks and similar attractions 487. News agency activities 488. Library and archives activities 489. Museums activities and preservation of historical sites and buildings 490. Botanical and zoological gardens and nature reserves activities 491. Sporting activities 492. Casting activities, motion pictures 493. Recording or taping of sound 494. Casting or booking agency activities 495. Other amusement and recreational service activities; gambling and betting 496. Washing and (dry-) cleaning of textile and fur products 497. Hairdressing and other beauty treatment 498. Funeral and related activities 499. Other service activities n.e.c. 500. Private households with employed persons 501. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies 502. Growing of cereals and other crop n.e.c. (not elsewhere classified). 503. Growing of vegetables, horticultural specialties and nursery products.

Friday, April 27, 2012


At the start of the second decade of the 21st century, numerous states in sub- Saharan Africa which once belonged to the British and French colonial empires are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of their creation or the independence of the colonial territories. This article is a modest contribution to the appreciation of the African situation on the occasion of this anniversary. This anniversary falls in a period marked by a crisis of the neoliberal economy, which has not affected the African economies to the same extent as those of the capitalist centre. Meanwhile, in what can be seen as a practical critique of the economic “cooperation” between the former colonies and the western powers of the first five neo-colonial decades, we see the development of partnerships between Africa and the so-called emergent economies in general, the Chinese in particular. Adjustment to neoliberalism A half century after the first wave of independence, sub Saharan Africa remains fairly specialised in supplying the industries of the capitalist centre with agricultural, energetic and mining raw materials, often strategic and sometimes at the price of neo-colonial wars which are often presented as ethnic or confessional. This capital and bloody participation in the development of the capitalist economy is often hidden by the habitual evocation of Africa’s 2% rate of participation of Africa in world trade, an undeniable expression of its marginality. The mission of the developers is then seen as inserting or integrating Africa in globalisation. A good intention which is unhappily based firstly on a falsification of the history of the world economy, and secondly on ignorance of the fact that Africa is the continent most connected to the world economy, with only 15% of exchanges being conducted between the different states of the continent. The most significant share is realised with the rest of the world (whereas intra-European exchanges of commodities represent more than 60%). The claimed African marginality is moreover, very particular with respect to what it contributes to the rest of the world – raw materials, which are one of the conditions, indeed the condition sine qua non for certain performances by the most powerful companies of Western capital. Thus the quantitative expression of African marginality, by its weakness, can also be interpreted as the expression of the persistence of unequal exchange on the world market which remains controlled by the economic powers of the Centre. A situation of inequality and not of marginality, which has accentuated with the neoliberalisation of the so called African economies organised from the 1980s onwards by the international financial institutions (IMF, World Bank and so on), through structural adjustment programmes (SAPs), considered as the appropriate response to the structural crisis of the neo-colonialism of the first two decades, manifested by the critical indebtedness of the African states — at the same time as those of Latin America and Asia. Thus, since the 1980s, this region of the world has been permanently readjusted or restructured for the consolidation of the neoliberal version of neo-colonial domination. An operation carried out with the active support of the states of developed capitalism, whose multinational companies appropriate formerly state owned African companies, in the sectors considered the most profitable [1]. The African continent is considered by the technocrats, those of UNCTAD for example, as that where foreign capital realises the best return on investment (an average of 24-30% since the 1990s, against 16-18% in the centres of capitalism). This is the consequence of the success, among other things, of the mission confided to the international financial institutions, including African ones like the African Development Bank (ADB, which includes non African public institutions among its shareholders) and of adaptation, by local governors, of national legislations to the neoliberal demands of capitalist accumulation. Thus, the second half of the first fifty years (1980-2000) proved to be one of neoliberal "recolonisation”, through the reduction to the minimum of the margin of autonomy — already very relative — acquired with the declarations of independence and favoured by the climate of the “Cold War”. With the disappearance of the so called “Communist” bloc in Europe, the margin of negotiation of the petty bourgeois nationalist elites with imperialism was reduced. In other words we have seen the quasi disappearance of any progressive nationalist project, based on the development of a state economic sector and a less restricted redistribution of the national wealth. That is, the collapse of what some observers had hastily classed as socialist experiences in Africa (from Nasser’s Egypt to Thomas Sankara’s Burkina Faso, by way of the Congo of Marien Ngouabi and the Madagascar of Didier Ratsiraka), forgetting that they were effected always in a capitalist context, taking account of the structural mechanisms of the so-called neo-colonialism of cooperation with the former metropolises. But with the neoliberalisation of the world economy, Africa is no longer considered as the exclusive province of the old colonial metropolises. Since December 1998 (Saint-Malo Accords), these metropolises, the France of Chirac-Jospin and the Britain of Tony Blair, have decided to dominate Africa in a concerted manner. Since the end of the last century, Africa is also one of the areas of the new restructuring of the imperial order and the US has reconsidered its African policy and strengthened its economic presence. Thus the main European neo-colonial mechanism, the European Union/Africa-Caribbean-Pacific Agreement (EU-ACP, formerly EEC-ACP) and the traditional agreements of bilateral “cooperation" between European and African states, have been joined by the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA, 2000) introduced under the presidency of Bill Clinton. The main reason for the installation of this so called preferential market is the search by the United States for better access to the energy resources (long under-valued) of Africa, indeed with the intention of controlling them, at a time when the US supply coming from the Middle East became insufficient and indeed threatened. However, the strategic interest in oil (92.3% of US African imports in 2008) on the West African coast, from Nigeria to Angola, was accompanied by an interest in other African productions (minerals, metals, transport equipment, textiles) and the export of US products (18.6 billion dollars in 2008, against 86.1 billion in imports) from genetically modified seeds (Bt cotton and so on) to military equipment. Military imperialism The US oil supply relates to national security, and is accompanied by a direct military presence of the army, a change after a long period of indirect interference, during the Cold War, for example by providing logistic support, via South Africa and Mobutu’s Zaire, to the UNITA of Jonas Savimbi in its long war against the government in Luanda. France thus lost its monopoly in terms of a direct military presence on the continent, with its bases inherited from colonisation, whose maintenance as favoured by the Cold War and which served as a means of pressure, intimidation and worse, against certain political and economic orientations in its former colonies. For a decade, the US army has been multiplying its joint military operations with African national armies, including those of the traditional French fiefdoms. Under George W. Bush’s presidency it was decided to give the African continent a US military command, like other continents — an exclusivity of the global hegemon — by instituting, in 2007, the United States Africa Command (Africom). Which makes the US an African military power, even if the US army has been present for decades off the coast of Africa, on the giant base at Diego Garcia — Mauritian territory which the United Kingdom kept among its last colonial possessions [2]. But, with the drunkenness of power, very manifest under the presidency of Bush junior, there was no question of the administration requesting the opinion of African “partners” concerning the continental accommodation of the said command. Thus, the latter could find no land of welcome on the continent, which is however well known for the hospitality of its governors with regard to everything opposed to the interests of the peoples. The African Union (AU) seems, for the moment, determined to dissuade any irresolute state — like the Liberia of Ellen Sirleaf Johnson (newly elected) — from going against its resolution to rid the continent and islands of foreign military bases. Even Morocco, which is outside the AU and indecisive — according to persistent rumours — seems unable to escape the pressure of its peers. Thus the US military command in Africa remains based in Stuttgart (Germany).The only open and permanent US military presence on the continent is then, for the moment, that (subsequent to the creation of Africom) at Camp Lemonnier, one of the French camps in Djibouti. Declaring independence late, in 1977, Djibouti has remained the main French military base in Africa. While awaiting a breach in the pan-African consensus which could give it the benefit of a site on the continent, Africom contents itself with regular missions of training, joint exercises and so-called humanitarian actions (health interventions and so on) in different African countries. Which is not negligible, for with these military manoeuvres and so-called humanitarian interventions, the US army consolidates, inside the local armies, indeed certain African élites, the tenacious myth of its effectiveness, which seems unaffected by its historic misadventures of the 20th and 21st centuries, from Vietnam to Afghanistan by way of Somalia (Restore Hope and Continue Hope, 1992-1993), characterised by ongoing human rights violations. Like the US army everywhere, Africom is integrated in private multinational military missions, with their mercenaries of sinister reputation. The industry of death is traditionally, it should be remembered, one of the most lucrative sectors of actually existing capitalism, that of the US above all. This African activism of the US army has its economic dimension. The missions and other activities of Africom are also an opportunity for unabashed advertising campaigns for the national military-industrial complex. Indeed, in spite of the growth of military expenditure for a decade, the continent does not appear among the main clients of the US arms industry. Apart from Egypt (9th), the main African importer, the other African states appearing in the top 50 of importers — Algeria (15th), South Africa (27th), Angola (36th), Sudan (43th) — get less than 4% of their supply from the US. Algeria (the main importer in recent years) and Sudan prefer Russian arms (more than 65%), while South Africa supplies itself more from Europe, mainly Germany (more than 65%). As for the other African states, some minor clients remain still, in this area, very linked to the colonial metropolis. Post colonial military cooperation agreements, signed between France and its former colonies, limit again the diversification of training and military equipment of the latter. But in offering more training grants to African trainee officers destined for command positions in the near future, Africom can scarcely conceal a certain competition with its European partners, who, while being members of NATO, are developing a common European defence policy, the European Force (Eufor). It seems that it is Africa where Eufor is most deployed (Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad and Central Africa), under French leadership (by recognition of its colonial and neo-colonial experience on the ground), shared with Germany, with the regular participation of other European states, like Sweden, which is in the top 10 of European arms merchants [3]. However, US supremacy inside NATO plays in favour of Africom, as agency of the military-industrial complex. Nonetheless, this competition between the traditional imperial powers should not make us forget their permanent complicity, which is currently manifested particularly in the face of the ambitions of some emergent economy states (China, India, Brazil and so on) for access to African resources. The Chinese ogre The growth of Chinese economic power presents a serious threat to Western hegemony in Africa. A share of the resources it needs to feed the exceptional growth of its economy is drawn from Africa. Hence the development by China over the past decade of an economic partnership with the African states: 56 billion dollars of Chinese imports (71% in oil products) against 50.8 billion in exports in 2008 and an exponential growth in direct investment, which has gone from 10 billion dollars in 2000 to 106 billion in 2008, with more than 100 billion anticipated for 2010. Among Chinese exports there are the products of its workshops, considered more accessible to African mass purchasing power, affected as it is by two decades of structural adjustment. This Sino-African partnership attracts the ire of a fraction of the organic intelligentsia of Western capital, not because of its unbalanced character in China’s favour — even if the main African capital, that of South Africa, has been able to invest 1 billion dollars in China (against 6 billion for China in South Africa) — or the environmental consequences of the intensive exploitation of minerals over the medium and long terms. Because in these areas, China has done nothing new in Africa and those who worry about it are being selectively critical in favour of the practices of Western firms and their states. Nor because of the risks of a new explosion of external public debt which will be generated by the loans granted by China to its African partners (on conditions preferable to those of the international market), as IMF director general Dominique Strauss-Kahn would have us believe, to justify the mobilisation of the neoliberal technocracy against a recent contract between China and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In exchange for the exploitation by Chinese enterprises (private and public) of a little more than a million tons of copper and more than a half million tons of cobalt, China was to grant the DRC 9 billion dollars (including 6 in construction of road, steel, health and educational infrastructures, and 3 as financing of Congolese participation in a Sino-Congolese mining enterprise). According to the Chinese ambassador to the DRC: “We from the beginning avoided any situation which could lead to an increase in the debt” [4], by making the guarantor the Chinese bank Eximbank, rather than the Congolese state. Thus, after several exchanges, in Kinshasa, with the IMF experts, “the Chinese party finds the recriminations of the IMF fantastic and unsustainable” [5]. The IMF’s only remaining weapon was blackmail: revision of the Sino-Congolese contract (including the suppression of 3 billion dollars in construction of infrastructures) in exchange for relief on the Congolese debt by the Paris Club and the early qualification to the point of completion of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. Sino-African cooperation cannot for now absolutely overcome the traditional neo-colonial mechanisms which can still deprive the DRC of infrastructural improvements for its people. The construction of infrastructures (road, steel, hydro-electric, health, education and so on), which has been neglected in Africa through five decades of neo-colonial “cooperation” and “development aid” — is part of the charm offensive China is waging. Certainly, the visibility of the said infrastructures serves the electoralist interests of the African leaders, interested also by the Chinese rejection of conditionality with respect to human rights (demanded hypocritically and with variable geometry by the Western states) and the receipt of Chinese equipment for repression and war. But these new infrastructures also contribute to the development of a certain Sinophilia — more significant than Sinophobia [6] — in the countries concerned, including in the élite considered as pro-Western, but which is rather pro-capitalist. In the style of the patented technocrats of neo-liberalism: the Beninese Abdoulaye Bio-Tchané (former Africa director of the IMF and current director of the West African Development Bank), who considers that “China is not a threat to our economies” [7], or the Zambian Dambisa Moyo (responsible for economic strategy at Goldman Sachs and an iconoclastic, but neoliberal critic of “development aid”) according to whom “ it is time for Africa to look the situation in the face and move on — time for it to sit at another table with other players ready to give it better cards. China is today a player of this type.” [8]. The impact of “Sino-African realist cooperation” [9] is such that it has fairly rapidly aroused some realism among the traditional actors of the development of Africa: the World Bank and the British government’s Department For International Development have opted for partnership with China for the development of Africa. In 2007, China contributed to Africa 9 billion dollars of investment against 2.5 of co-financing of projects in Africa by the World Bank. During the World Economic Forum on Africa in June 2009 in South Africa the Director General of the World Bank and former Nigerian Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, renewed the support given by the Bank to Chinese investment in Africa. Such a partnership expresses well China’s status as an African power which moreover, seems to no longer to contain its annoyance concerning the cries of alarm from the analysts subtly concerned with the fate of Africa. During a press conference in March 2010, Chinese foreign minister, Yang Jiechi pointed out that “Chinese oil imports from Africa represent only 13% of African oil exports, whereas US and European imports each represent more than 30%. Chinese investment in African oil fields is only one sixteenth of total oil investment in the continent while US and European investment represents a much higher proportion”. Thus China does not consider itself as having supplanted the traditional imperial powers in Africa, whose paternalism it denounces: “I would like to specify that Africa belongs to the African people, that the African people is the master of the African continent and that the other peoples are only its guests. The guests should respect the points of view of their hosts, namely the African peoples, as well as their freedom to choose their partners of cooperation and their friends.” [10]. However, Chinese diplomacy has omitted to point out the significance of the economic exchanges between China and the West, which can be considered as vital or complicit concerning the reproduction of the international capitalist system: China is the banker to the US which in return provides its main market. And European enterprises have escaped the crisis thanks to their exchanges with China. Thus, although China’s sustained growth — one could say the same of Malaysia — is a practical invalidation of the precepts of the Washington Consensus, Sino-African cooperation participates fully in the dynamic of perpetuation of the capitalist system, indeed its neoliberal form. If the Sino-African partnership is so well appreciated by Abdoulaye Bio-Tchané, Dambisa Moyo and company, it is because these sectors of the African bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie conceive this partnership as a factor in the development of African capitalism, above all at a time when the Western economies prove more fragile than China before the effects of the crisis of neoliberal capitalism. The same is true of the apologetic attitudes on the partnership of the African economies with respect to the other so called emergent capitalisms of the South, whether India, Brazil, Malaysia, or indeed Iran or elsewhere. It is the concretisation of another type of relationship between capitalist states of the South, which has a certain attraction for African rulers and economic élites and allows them to think that "another capitalist world is possible”, stimulating thus the economic dimension of their project of “African Renaissance”, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Nepad or the neoliberalism of the African neo-bourgeoisie Since the beginning of the new millennium the states organised in the African Union (AU) — born from the ashes of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) — have had the common economic framework of Nepad, drawn up according to the principles of the Washington Consensus, yet already disqualified concretely by the Asian crisis. Thus, the motor role of the said development of Africa is there attributed to private investment, mainly that of the Western multinational firms. The latter were invited to Dakar for the presentation of Nepad. African rulers thus recognised officially their subordination to imperialist capital and their adhesion to the new economic carve up of the continent. But, with respect to the capital accumulated during the first four postcolonial decades, it is with the hope this time of a more effective participation as private minority partners to the multinational firms in the formerly public strategic enterprises, privatised in the context of structural adjustment. With the liberalisation of the markets, the African capitalists have in principle the possibility of entering locally into competition with the Western multinational firms. Certainly, the principle is not often concretised. In addition, these Africans had the possibility of appropriating the formerly public enterprises or controlling the economic sectors which did not particularly interest the so called strategic investors. This African bourgeoisie being composed in great part by those responsible for the waste of resources, those jointly responsible for the overbilling of public contracts of states and other criminal practices which have contributed, at the end of the first neo-colonial period, for critical public indebtedness, a factor in structural adjustment. Classical primitive accumulation or reproduction of capital at the expense of the public economy, which is not an African exclusivity. Thus, for some years, in addition to direct foreign investment, there is a certain African private economic activism, of local investment, in intra-African investment (services: 36%, manufacture: 30%, agriculture: 19%). As one of the partisans of this neoliberal pan-Africanism puts it, it is “More than a third of the investment in Africa is African.” [11]. Some of these investors are as much African as Total is French, because they are institutions which also have non-African shareholders. Indeed one notes — without any claim to being exhaustive — Mauritian capital in Madagascar and Mozambique, Kenyan in Uganda, Egyptian in Algeria, Nigeria, Tunisia, or Zimbabwe, Libyan in the Ivory Coast, Niger, Uganda, and Rwanda. The Moroccan banks Attijarifawa Bank and the Banque marocaine du commerce extérieur are expanding into west and central Africa. A product of the Federation of West African Chambers of Commerce and Industry, in the 1980s, which declared itself pan-African, Ecobank Transnational Incorporated (based in Lomé) is currently present in 27 countries across Africa. In this African capitalist dynamic, South African capital, heir to the accumulation realised under the apartheid regime and exploiting the arrival in power of governments identified with the black majority, since the presidency of Nelson Mandela, is in a position of continental leadership. This is what the enlightened fraction of the white bourgeoisie which became hostile in the 1980s to the apartheid regime hoped for. Immediately following the election of Nelson Mandela up until 2005, South African capital outweighed all the traditional investors on the continent (14 billion dollars, against around 10 billion for the United States, 6 billion for France, 4.5 billion for the United Kingdom). From Mauritius to Morocco, it is present in different sectors, like that of mines, its favoured sector (where South Africa is nearly as well provided as the DRC) or others, like agriculture, brewing, port management, telecommunications, petrochemicals and so on. To such a point that a debate has opened on the continental status of post-apartheid South Africa: imperialism? Or sub-imperialism? However South Africa does not only export capital, it also receives — in addition to the labour (qualified and unqualified) the countries of the region affected by structural adjustment — as the main regional financial market for capital coming from certain economies, less developed certainly, like Nigeria, Kenya, principally in the banking sector. Africa’s mode of insertion in the world economy (mainly as purveyor of raw materials to the economies of the centre) seems to have sheltered it relatively from some of the direct impact of the economic crisis, manifested from the financial sector in which it is, in truth, weakly inserted. Nonetheless, like other regions of the world, Africa has not been spared from it. The continent’s role as purveyor of raw materials has suffered from a fall of production in the centres of capitalism, in the form of the fall in demand for some raw materials (copper, cobalt, coltan, diamonds, tin, oil and so on) and prices are down -25% to – 50 %, indeed more in the case of oil which has gone from 140 dollars per barrel in summer 2008 to 55 dollars in spring 2009. Other sectors have also been affected, like that of tourism (Mauritius for example). One of the consequences of this crisis has been the significant reduction of exchange reserves of some national currencies. Thus Africa, which has known a sustained average growth for a dozen years, has experienced a fairly pronounced fall in 2009: 2.5% against 5.1% in 2008 and 6% in 2007, according to the least pessimistic estimates which take into account the increase in Chinese investment (+81%) noted over one year (1st half 2008-1st half 2009). Africa —say the technocrats of African capitalism — is at the end of the day better defended against the crisis and has emerged from it better than the continents of developed capitalism, with regard also to the predictions for growth in 2010. However, behind the appreciable growth rates, from the capitalist viewpoint, there are the structural development of inequalities to the benefit of foreign investors (attracted by the high return on investment of the continent) and the leading layers (economic and political entrepreneurs, including oppositionists, mixed together). Because, in spite of the divergences internal to the hierarchical structure of world capitalism which are currently disturbing the so-called emergent economies of the South and local factional divergences, this African neoliberal capitalism cannot be considered as representing the interests of workers and the African popular layers nor as a factor of real social progress. As everywhere, this African capitalist accumulation adapts to the high rate of poverty that the international institutions fix on average at 50% of the sub-Saharan African population. Growth has not improved the fate of wage earners (small and medium), the small peasantry (mostly women), or youth whether in school or unemployed, those dismissed by private enterprises, or the popular classes in general. If there is, undeniably, an "Africa which is winning” — that of the African capitalists in objective alliance with others — it is firstly in opposition to the wage earning work force, as the International Labour Office noted in 2008, before the crisis: “Around 55% of all the workers of sub-Saharan Africa still do not earn enough to live, with their family, above the poverty level of 1 dollar per day, around 80% live on less than 2 dollars per day… “ [12]. In addition, the collapse in the prices of cotton, rubber, textiles, and so on has led to layoffs and factory closures in factories from Benin to Tanzania via Morocco. In Egypt there have been 100,000 laid off, from October 2008 to March 2009; 10,000 in Kenya, in the first quarter of 2009 alone; 13,000 in Morocco in the textiles sector, 60% of them women. In South Africa the unemployment rate has gone from 21.9% in the last quarter of 2008 to 23.5% in the first quarter of 2009, or 3.87 million unemployed to 4.18 million [13]. Thus the other growth is that of unemployment across the continent (including the islands), which went from 30.8 million unemployed in 2007 to 35 million in 2009. This Africa, which is not winning, has moreover paid the cost of the price rises for some foodstuffs, which preceded and accompanied the crisis; a consequence of the dependency organised since colonisation which has developed continually in the postcolonial period. By demanding, for example, priority for exports for the repayment of the external public debt, at the expense of food crops, neoliberal structural adjustment policies have favoured the aggravation of the absence of food sovereignty. With as further consequence soil exhaustion, by certain monocultures in certain countries. This is the case for the Ivory Coast and neighbouring Ghana where the importance in world production of cocoa is rewarded by soil exhaustion since the colonial period. Which is a factor in conflicts over land, as is already the case in Ghana, or Kenya. In Darfur (Sudan), soil exhaustion caused by neoliberal intensive agriculture is one of the factors of crisis which have led to war [14]. The absence of food sovereignty and the situation of the small peasantry will get still worse. Partly because of the offensive waged by the multinational companies producing genetically modified seeds and intent on patenting or privately appropriating the agricultural genetic patrimony. And partly by the private appropriation of African fertile and common lands by international agrarian capitalism, by the multinationals whose thirst to appropriate the world is comparable to that of the companies of four or five centuries ago. There is already a question of the grip of the cocoa multinationals on the fertile lands of the Ivory Coast. In the context of neoliberal structural adjustment, it was necessary already to adapt national land legislation, which had conserved the principle of commonly owned property, to the principle of commodification of everything possible. This neo-colonialism of land, which brings to mind the enclosures of the first centuries of English capitalism [15], undoubtedly will transform small independent farmers into servile and low paid labour, favouring the growth of unemployment in rural areas and the exodus towards the cities to swell the shanty towns and the lumpenproletariat, a very cheap reserve army of labour. Among the specific victims of this humanly absurd capitalist logic are the peoples living traditionally in the forest, like the so-called “Pygmies”, hunter gatherers spread across eight countries in central Africa and the Great Lakes, from Cameroon to Uganda, and including the two Congos. Thus the problem is not that of the presence of white South African farmers in the Congo, or that of the supply to the Gulf Emirates of agricultural products, for example, but that of the property relations thereby installed — although there is no risk of reproduction of the history of the Boers and Huguenots who contributed to the formation of the current South Africa — and the consequences for the native populations. White South African, Chinese or other farmers, having immigrated, who do not set up a colony turned in on itself, exploit or overexploit local labour, who produce for the satisfaction of the food needs of the area, together with small local producers, who understand the soil ecologically, do not in themselves present any problem. This is not the case with Daewoo’s project in Madagascar, or others which orient African agriculture towards the production of agro-fuels. An orientation in which Brazil, through, for example, the Brazilian Agency for Promotion of Exports and Investment (Apex-Brasil) plays a motor role, under the pretext of South-South exchanges of experience. As if Brazil was not a bad example in the area of agro-fuels and genetically modified seeds of which it also promotes the sale, in Africa, after the US. As if the problem of lack of oil should be resolved by creating another ecological problem, that of the consequences of agro-business — already practiced by the African oligarchs, from the Ivory Coast to Zimbabwe — which are more criminal with respect to this important part of the world population which already suffers from a food deficit. Whereas the problem is not posed, currently or in the near future, in terms of penury of food products, but of division of the available food production and a reorganisation of world agriculture, which would also avoid the current waste and preserve fertile lands for future generations. After fifty years of neo-colonialism, the neoliberalised capitalist organisation of the continent seems to reserve it a destiny as the continuation of the accumulation of its most noxious effects. Thus, in terms of global warming, Africa which is not one of the main polluters of the planet will suffer the consequences of the growth and productivism of capitalism, imitated for around fifty years by the regimes of the Stalinist bloc, According to the IPCC: “New studies confirm that Africa is one of the most vulnerable continents because of the diversity of the anticipated effects, the multiple stresses and its weak capacity of adaptation”. That does not stop the African partisans of neoliberal capitalism promoting an “African strategy for the war of “green business”” [16]. African resistance to neoliberal capitalism The first social consequences of neoliberalism in Africa produced in the 1980s and 1990s a dynamic of popular mobilisation, and social struggles — with trade union organisations providing the backbone — which contributed to the “democratisation” of the postcolonial monolithic regimes. But this was in an international context of loss of legitimacy of the socialist emancipator project, identified with a collapsed Stalinism, with European social democracy proving a good manager of capitalism by constructing the Europe of neoliberal capital. In other words the transcendence of capitalism was no longer on the agenda. Thus this new democratic opening was everywhere realised in favour of political currents favouring the management of neo-colonialism, which, in some cases, then became jointly responsible for neo-liberal wars. The popular organisations of the African left which had survived the monolithism of the three or four postcolonial decades were almost everywhere swept up by the discredit thrown on the socialist emancipatory project and in some cases, by the wars of neoliberal restructuring of neo-colonialism. At the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, the more popular of the surviving organisations were progressively integrated into the management of the neo-colonial order, from the South African Communist Party (SACP) linked to its ally the African National Congress (ANC) to And-Jef/Parti africain pour la démocratie et le socialisme (AJ/PADS) in Senegal. The union leaderships which were linked to these parties were caught up in this drift, practicing so called responsible trades unionism or becoming “social partners” of the employers and rulers [17]. However, the activists or former activists of the radical African left, the “class struggle” trades unionists, have been among the main leaders of the so-called global justice dynamic in Africa. Anti-capitalism has become relatively audible again on the basis of a critique of neoliberalism in the context of the dramatic social effects of structural adjustment policies. However, in gaining a certain media visibility — while often remaining very weak numerically among the popular layers — the African global justice movement has not escaped the hegemony of organisations/associations and individuals of”civil society” which were/are hostile to any critique going beyond the framework of neoliberalism, taking as its target the system of exploitation, oppression and pollution that is capitalism. Thus, there is no identification with any radical and global emancipatory project as an alternative to capitalism. Which is not an African peculiarity. It is also the expression of a grip exerted on the current by the big organisations of the West, mobilised for a “capitalism with a human face” and reproducing in this context the classic type of relations between the centre of capitalism and its periphery. The financial aid contributed to the African global justice movement is conditional on their opposition to the orientation of the radical current in the movement. The corruption of the African rulers can be denounced, but on a moralist basis, without being placed in the historic context of the capitalist system. A state of affairs which is also favoured by the precarious status of the African middle layers, to which the leaders of “civil society” often belong. To be an activist or an organisation representing the “civil society” of the global justice movement means being open to dialogue, indeed partnership, with Western embassies, private multinationals, Western foundations and international institutions like the World Bank, and this openness provides a means of escaping this precarious status. A subtle mechanism of corruption. Thus after a decade of the global justice movement, of local and regional social forums, demonstrations against the cost of living, student mobilisations, trade union and peasant struggles, mobilisations of the unemployed and so on, the African organisations still identified with the radical left can claim no obvious successes in the area of contribution to the self-organisation of the workers and small peasantry in a perspective of articulation of their struggles with an overall project of a break with capitalism. The frequent, indeed permanent, mobilisations for access to drinking water, electricity, health care, decent jobs, land, good study conditions, against violence against women and so on remain fragmented and without convergence. A permanent fragmentation which can also be interpreted as an expression of the sectarianism of the organisations of the radical left, which certainly have the merit of having survived the steamroller of neoliberal ideology but which, unhappily, spend more time on the narcissism of small differences than the organisation of convergences and the local construction of permanent unitary and democratic dynamics. Bringing Africa out of its tragic situation The five postcolonial decades have been decades of neo-colonialism. A neo-colonialism with tragic consequences: the development of social inequalities in every country, neoliberal wars in some of them, exploitation of wage earners by a variety of actors. This is unhappily accompanied by a decline of organised radical anti neo-colonial /anti-capitalist consciousness, linked to a worldwide phenomenon but more serious. Moralism has been imposed as the only possible horizon of criticism. That is why it is more than ever necessary to avoid the apolitical conception of a betrayal of Africa by the ruling bourgeoisies. Because, if they are African, they are also guided and motivated by their class and individual interests. They are not in this respect fundamentally different from the French bourgeoisie, for example, which overwhelmingly made the choice to collaborate under occupation with the Nazified German economy. To bring Africa out of its tragic situation, there is objectively no other road than that of anti-capitalism, beyond anti-neoliberalism. Today neither China, nor India nor Brazil or anywhere else can present any illusion, because the social and ecological costs of growth in these economies cannot be neglected. These countries cannot be examples of societies based on equality and social justice, the satisfaction of the basic needs of each individual and of peoples. One of the best ways of honouring those who have fought against neo-colonialism/capitalism in Africa — rather than the neo-colonial “fathers of independence” — is to make genuine balance sheets of the struggles waged locally and continentally. To draw the lessons from them for the construction of new anti-neo-colonial /anti-capitalist organisations contributing to the self-organisation and struggles of employees, small peasants, women, youth and all the other oppressed social categories. Organisations which fight against economic exploitation, different oppressions and against avoidable harmful effects on the environment. In other words for the construction of socialist societies, that is to say societies which are socially just and egalitarian, feminist, anti-homophobic and ecological. The construction of this socialism demands a pan-African perspective. This is favoured moreover by the presence of the same exploitative enterprises in several countries, whether African or non-African, and the regional groupings of economic integration. It is then urgent that organisations which still identify as socialist and pan-Africanist initiate a genuine dynamic of exchanges, solidarity, learning and common action, locally and regionally, in a democratic manner. The affiliation with different political traditions which characterised the socialist movement in the 20th century should not be an obstacle. It is in the construction of this dynamic of consultation and revolutionary socialist pan-Africanist action that each organisation will best contribute to the construction of an Africa genuinely and fully decolonised, emancipated from capitalism. For, as indeed is the case elsewhere, the alternative in Africa is either the struggle for and construction of a democratic socialism or the worsening of the capitalist social disaster.

Tuesday, March 1, 2011


Idadi ya wanyama wanaofugwa kwa chakula imezidi ile ya binadamu zaidi ya mara mbili kote ulimwenguni. Kuna maelfu ya wanyama kote duniani ilihali ni wachache tu wanaoweza kufugwa. Kati ya hawa wanyama, ni aina nne (Ng'ombe, kondoo, mbuzi na kuku) wanaochukua asilimia 95% ya wanyama wote wanaofugwa. Wanyama hawa hupatikana katika nchi za hari kwenye nyanda za chini. Lakini kati ya mifugo hawa, kuku ni maarufu katika nchi za hari na hata kote ulimwenguni.

Lengo la makala haya ni kutoa maelezo ili kusaidia wafugaji wa kiwango kidogo katika nchi

zinazostawi, katika kupunguza umaskini. Sehemu ya kwanza (I) itatoa maelezo kuhusu ufugaji na

hasa ufugaji wa kuku, Sehemu ya pili (II) itaangazia maswala yafuatayo katika kuinua hali ya uchumi

kwa kufuga kuku:

1. Kuendeleza ufugaji wa kuku za kienyeji kwa kutumia njia zisizohitaji gharama nyingi.

2. Kutafuta mbinu na njia muafaka za kuzalisha viwango vya kuku bora kwa njia ya kiasili.

3. Matumizi ya njia za kiasili au zile zisizo gharimu pesa nyingi kutibu na kuzuia magonjwa ya





Licha ya kukosa mashamba makubwa ya kuendeleza ufugaji wa ng'ombe, jamii nyingi katika nchi za

hari (tropics) hupata nafasi ya kufuga kuku kwa kiwango kidogo. Idadi ya wanyama wanaofugwa

huongezeka sambamba na ile ya watu. Idadi ya watu inapoongezeka ndipo ile ya mifugo huzidi.

Idadi kubwa ya watu huhitaji chakula kingi na matumizi huongezeka, hivyo basi watu hufanya bidii

kuzalisha chakula na mapato kutoka kwa shamba.

Ufugaji wa ng'ombe na wanyama wanaohitaji lishe kwa wingi huhitaji kiasi kikubwa cha shamba ili

kupanda mimea na lishe la mifugo. Ukilinganisha na ufugaji wa kuku, utahitaji mabaki ya vyakula

na sehemu ndogo ya shamba. Ufugaji wa kuku umeweza kunawiri hata pasipo fedha.

Katika nchi za hari ufugaji wa kienyeji hautahitaji kazi nyingi, kazi hii hufanywa na akina mama na

watoto. Kwa kawaida katika nchi hizi kazi nyingi za nyumbani hutekelezwa na mama. Vyakula vya

kuku vyaweza kutoka kwa: 1) Mabaki ya chakula, 2) Mabaki ya mimea, 3) Mabaki kutoka jikoni

na 4) Vyakula vya kujitafutia (kwa mfano kwekwe, mbegu, wadudu, nyongonyongo, n.k). Mfumo

wa kufuga kuku kwa njia ya kienyeji hutumia viungo vinavyopatikana kwa urahisi na kuimarisha hali

ya kiuchumi na chakula bora kwa jamii.

Ni muhimu sana kufuga mifugo hata ikiwa ni kwa kiwango kidogo kwa sababu ya 1) Chakula bora

na kuongeza mapato ya jamii kwa viwango vya kuridhisha; 2) Mifugo ni hakiba au banki, faida yake

huzaana tu kama riba ya benki; 3) Mifugo yaweza kuuzwa ili kugharamia karo ya wanafunzi,

malipo ya hospitali, gharama nyingine za nyumbani na hata shambani; 4) Kwa matumizi ya kijamii

(kwa mfano kulipia mahari, shughuli za kidini, n.k); 5) Mifugo husaidia katika kukabili wadudu,

kwekwe na kuimarisha rutuba kutokana na mbolea ya kinyesi. Ni bayana kwamba mifugo ni

muhimu sana kwa mkulima yeyote yule.


Ufugaji wa kuku katika nchi zinazostawi waweza kugawanywa mara mbili: 1) Ufugaji wa

kitamaduni au kienyeji pasipo kuwepo gharama, na 2) Ufugaji wa kisasa unaohitaji fedha nyingi.

Ufugaji wa viwango vikubwa kwa kuzingatia mfumo wa kisasa ni maarufu katika kuzalisha kuku wa

nyama na wale wa mayai. Mfumo huu hujumuisha asilimia ndogo sana ya aina ya ufugaji.

Itafahamika kwamba mfumo wa kisasa haujaadhiri ule wa kienyeji. Idadi kubwa ya watu katika nchi

za hari hutegemea mfumo wa kienyeji kwa nyama na mayai.

Mfumo wa kisasa huhitaji pesa nyingi za kununua vyakula vya kuku. Aidha mfumo wa kisasa huhitaji kazi nyingi ili kutekeleza. Mfumo wa kisasa

umefaulu katika nchi zilizostawi kutokana na hali nzuri ya kiuchumi katika kuzalisha (kuku wa hali

ya juu, kuangua vifaranga kwa stima, vyakula vilivyo na madini mengi, vifaa na zana za mashine,

utaalamu wa hali ya juu n.k). Haitafaa sana kuanzisha mfumo kama huu katika vijiji vya mataifa


"Mageuzi" katika ufugaji (kuambatanisha mfumo wa kisasa pamoja na ule wa kienyeji) yamefanyiwa

majaribio katika mataifa yanayostawi tangu miaka ya 1950. Matokeo ya kuku wapatao 200 hadi 300

kwa shamba moja hayajawai kufaulu. Hasara imepatikana na waweza kuona nyumba zilizokuwa na

kuku bila chochote, pesa nyingi zimepotea na kuku hawapo.

Mfumo wa kienyeji ni bora (Katika hali ya kiuchumi) iwapo idadi ya kuku haitazidi kuku 50. Ni

rahisi kuweza kuwatunza kuku, kwani hakuna gharama nyingi. Iwapo vyakula au zana za kisasa

zitanunuliwa, basi haitakuwa kwa viwango vikubwa. Mazao ya nyama na mayai yataleta faida.

Sehemu nyingi katika mataifa yanayostawi hakuna stima, katika nchi za hari, ufugaji kwa kiwango

kidogo umeweza kufaulu na kuimarisha uchumi.


Faida za uzalishaji kuku ili kuimarisha uchumi kwa njia hii zimepuuzwa na viongozi na wafadhili.

Kuku huleta faida kwa jamii kama tulivyoona katika sehemu ya I. Zaidi ya hayo, ufugaji wa kuku waweza kuimarishwa pasipo gharama nyingi ukilinganisha na mifugo wengine.

· Hutupatia fedha kwa kuuza nyama na mayai

· Mayai ni chakula kilicho na madini muhimu na kisicho ghali katika soko lolote. (madini kama methionine na cystine), madini haya ni muhimu sana kwa afya ya watu hasa watoto wachanga. Pia hutupatia protini.

· Kinyesi cha kuku ni mbolea safi

· Kiwanda asilia cha kutotoa vifaranga

· Gharama za kuanzisha na kuendeleza ni nyepesi

· Kitoweo chepesi na rahisi kwa wageni, kitoweo hakihitaji hifadhi hutumika mlo mmoja au miwili na kumalizika

· Jogoo hutumika kama saa inapowika

· Manyoya ya kuku hutumika kutengenezwa mapambo mbalimbali, mito na magodoro

· Kuku wanahisimu wadudu waharibifu

Kuku ndiye mnyama wa kipekee anayeweza kuishi mahali popote hapa ulimwenguni bila kuadhiriwa

na viwango vya hali ya hewa. Ufugaji wa kuku ndio shughuli inayofanyika kwa wingi duniani kuliko ufugaji wa aina yeyote. Kuku hunawiri vyema katika nchi za hari kutokana na uwiano uliopatikana wakati wa mwanzo binadamu alipofuga Asian jungle fowl aina ya kuku-mwitu. Mayai pia yaweza kuhifadhiwa kwa urahisi na huchukua nafasi ndogo kuliko aina ya bidhaa zozote za mifugo. Mayai yaweza kuwekwa mahali kwa muda mrefu bila kuhitaji barafu. Hautahitaji kuhifadhi kuku kwa njia yoyote, kwani nyama yake hupatikana pale unapohitaji kwa kuchinja.

Upungufu wa kuku wa kigeni ukilinganisha na wale wa kienyeji ni kama ufuatao:

• Kuku wa kigeni hawawezi kukalia na kuangua mayai, hivyo basi wahitajika kununua vifaranga (gharama);

• Vifaranga wa kigeni huhitaji utunzaji maalum na vyakula maalum (gharama);

• Kuku waliozalishwa kwa njia ya kisasa huhitaji chakula kingi ili kutaga mayai (gharama);

• Kuku wa kisasa huhitaji zaidi kuchanjwa dhidi ya magonjwa (gharama)ukilinganisha na wa kienyeji (japo nao huhitaji chanjo);

• Kuku wa kutaga mayai huhitaji mwangaza wa stima (saa 14 kwa siku) ili kutaga mayai (gharama)

Kwa kuongezea, rangi ya nyama na mayai ya kuku wa kienyeji huvutia kuliko ile ya kuku wa kisasa.

Hivyo basi jaribu kuendeleza na kuhimiza ufugaji wa kuku za kienyeji.

Iwapo mkulima ana jogoo mmoja na kuku kumi na mbili, basi kila mwezi waweza kupata kuku

akikalia mayai 10-12 kwa mwezi (mayai yote kwa wakati mwingi hayataanguliwa) kuna hakikisho la

kupata vifaranga vinne kila mwezi. Kuku mzima atachukua miezi minne kuchunga vifaranga

walioanguliwa. Kwa hivyo, kati ya kuku wote kumi na mbili kila mara kutakuwa na kuku wanne

wakitunza vifaranga, huku wale wengine wanane wakitaga mayai.

Kuku waliofugwa kwa njia ya kitamaduni hupata vyakula vyao kwa kutafuta mbegu, wadudu

nyongonyongo, n.k; Lakini kuku hawa hukosa vyakula vya kutosha vilivyo na nguvu ili waweze

kutaga mayai. Vyakula vya kutoa nguvu daima huwa ni haba.

Waweza kuwalisha kuku kwa nafaka ili wapate chakula cha nguvu (mfano kilo moja ya nafaka

iliyopondwa kila siku kwa kuku 10), nafaka hii yapaswa kuwa kavu. Vifaranga wapewe kiasi kidogo

cha nafaka au mchele wiki za kwanza. Kuku wanaolishwa nafaka baada ya kujitafutia chakula nje

huongeza idadi ya mayai (kutoka asilimia 20-25% hadi 40-50%). Kuna umuhimu wa kuhifadhi

nafaka kama lishe badala ya kuuza kwani utapata mayai mengi ambayo baadaye utaweza kuuza.

Hautahitaji kununua vyakula vya protini kwani kuku hujitafutia lishe la protini.

Ikiwa hauna nafaka, waweza kutumia vyakula vya mzizi au ndizi. Vyakula vya aina hii hata hivyo,

huwatatiza kuku wanapovitonogoa, kiwango cha mayai sio kikubwa kama cha wale wanaolishwa


Kwa kuwalisha kuku kwa nafaka utapata hakikisho la mayai manne kwa siku kutoka kwa wale kuku

wanane. Iwapo hakuna nafaka, kati ya kuku wanane wanaotaga utapata mayai mawili tu kwa siku.

Ni bora kutumia nafaka hii kama lishe kuliko kuuza na hatimaye kununua vyakula vya dukani.

Kuku kumi na mbili na jogoo mmoja wanaolishwa kwa kilo moja ya nafaka kila siku waweza

kuelezwa hivi:

• Waweza kuuza kuku wanne kila mwezi na kujaza pengo hilo na wale vifaranga (vifaranga

wanne huanguliwa kila mwezi) na

• Dazani kumi za mayai kila mwezi (mayai manne kila siku).

Kwa mwaka mmoja waweza kukadiri ile faida utakayopata na vile hali ya kiuchumi yaweza

kuinuliwa katika mataifa yanayostawi.

Hata hivyo faida hii haitaafikiwa iwapo magonjwa

hayatazuiwa au kukabiliwa kama ifuatavyo.


Magonjwa ndio husababisha hasara katika mfumo wa ufugaji wa kuku. Kuku waliochanjwa dhidi ya

magonjwa hudumisha afya bora. Jaribu kila mara kuzuia magonjwa, kwani kuzuia ni bora kuliko

kuponya. Kinga yaweza kutolewa mara kwa mara (kila baada ya miezi mitatu) dhidi ya magonjwa


Ugonjwa wa Newcastle

Ugonjwa huu ndio huadhiri kuku na kusababisha hasara katika nchi za hari. Virusi vya ugonjwa huu

huenea kwa kasi na rahisi kiasi cha kusababisha vifo kwa asilimia 100%. Dalili za kwanza ni shida

ya kupumua na kung'amua hewa, sauti kama ya kikohozi na kutokwa mate. Kinyesi chaweza kuwa

na rangi ya kijani kibichi. Hadi sasa hakuna dawa.

Waweza kuzuia ugonjwa huu kwa kutoa chanjo. Dawa za chanjo hupatikana kote ulimwenguni hata

katika nchi za hari kwenye vipimo vya vitone mia moja. Madawa haya yaweza kuhifadhiwa kwa

muda. Waweza kuweka kwa wiki moja mbali na jua au joto kali (Chanjo hii ni ya kipekee, kwani

aina nyingine ya chanjo huwekwa kwa friji). Waweza kutoa chanjo kwa kutia vitone kwenye

mdomo. Kuku wote (wakubwa kwa wadogo) wapaswa kupewa chanjo baada ya kila miezi mitatu.


Minyoo kama chango (roundworms) na tegu (tapeworms) huadhiri kuku wa kienyeji. Kuku hukosa hamu ya chakula, mayai hupungua na magonjwa mengine hushambulia. Ni bora basi kutoa minyoo.

Mchanganyiko wa madawa ya aina tatu ndio hutumiwa kuangamiza minyoo, madawa haya ni

piperazine, phenothiazine na butynorate. Madawa haya hupatikana kama vidonge (tumia kidonge 1

kwa kuku mzima na 1/2 kwa vifaranga). Iwapo hautapata dawa hii, waweza kutumia Panacur au

dawa nyingine ya kuangamiza minyoo. Wapatie kuku dawa ya minyoo kila baada ya miezi mitatu.


Wadudu kama chawa au utitiri husumbua kuku katika ufugaji wa kienyeji. Chawa au utitiri

husababisha harara ya ngozi, kuku walio adhiriwa hupata shida na kukosa usingizi. Hali hii

hupunguza kiwango cha mayai na uzito wa kuku.

Tumia asilimia 5% ya unga wa malathion kwa kupulizia kuku (puliza kwa chupa uliyo toboa

mashimo) pulizia kila kuku ili kuzuia chawa na utitiri (kilo moja ya unga huu yaweza kutibu kuku

150). Pulizia dawa hii baada ya kila miezi mitatu, waweza kupuliza kwa wakati mmoja wa kutoa

chanjo na dawa zilizotajwa hapo juu. Puliza unga huu pia kwenye viota vya kuangulia mayai.

Waweza kutayarisha 5% ya malathion kwa kuchanganya 25% ya unga wa malathion (kiwango cha

kilimo) na sehemu nne za jivu kutoka jikoni.

Magonjwa ya mapafu

Magonjwa ya mapafu huadhiri njia inayopitisha hewa na kuambatanisha mate na sauti kama ya

kikohozi. Ugonjwa huu huenea polepole. Uambukizanaji pia hutokea kwa polepole na vifo sio kwa

wingi. Hata hivyo, kutaga mayai na uzito hupungua. Shida hii yaweza kusambaa hata kutoka mahali vifaranga huanguliwa hadi pale walipouzwa.

Tylosin19 ndio dawa inayoweza kutibu magonjwa ya mapafu. Kiasi cha 35mg ya tylosin hutosha

kuku mmoja (kiwango hiki hufaa kuku na hata vifaranga) dawa hii husimamisha madhara kutokana

na magonjwa ya mapafu. Tibu kuku kila baada ya miezi mitatu, waweza kutekeleza kwa wakati

mmoja wa kutoa kinga na kuangamiza minyoo. Tylosin hupatikana kwa pakiti ndogo ya 4gm.

Waweza kutayarisha dawa hii kwa kutumia maji na 35gm ya tylosin (gramu nne kwa vikombe viwili

vya maji), kiasi hiki chaweza kutolewa kwa vitone kwa kila kuku.



Kabila za Kuku

Si rahisi kupata kabila halisi (pure breed) au kizazi halisi (pure line) za kuku wa kienyeji kutokana na mwingiliano wa vizazi kati ya aina mbalimbali za kuku hao. Lakini hata hivyo baadhi ya kuku wa kienyeji wanaweza kutambuliwa kutokana na maumbile yao kwa mfano

1. Kuchi

  • Warefuna wenye kusimama mgongo ukiwa wima
  • Wana manyoya machache mwilini na vilemba vyao ni vidogo
  • Majogoo huwa na wastani wa kilo 2.5 na mitetea kilo 1.8
  • Mayai gram 45

2. Ching'wekwe (Umbo dogo)

  • Hupatikana zaidi Morogoro na umasaini
  • Majogoo kilo 1.6
  • Mitetea kilo 1.2
  • Yai gram 37
  • kuku hawa wanafaa sana kwa biashara ya mayai kwa kuwa hutaga mayai mengi sana.

3. Umbo la Kati

  • Majogoo kilo 1.9
  • Mitetea kilo 1.1
  • Mayai gramu 43
  • Hukua upesi na hupata kinga upesi baada ya kuwachanja dhidi ya ugonjwa wa Mdondo (New Castle)

4. Singamagazi

  • Hupatikana zaidi Tabora
  • Majogoo wana rangi ya moto na mitetea rangi ya nyuki
  • Majogoo kilo 2.9
  • Mitetea kilo 2
  • Mayai gramu 56

5. Mbeya

  • Wanapatikana Ileje Mbeya na asili yao ni Malawi
  • Mjogoo kilo 3
  • Mitetea kilo 2
  • Mayai gramu 49
  • Uwezo wao wa kuatamia mayai na kuangua ni mdogo sana ukilinganisha na kuku wengine

6. Pemba

  • Maumbo ya wastani na miili myembamba
  • majogoo kilo 1.5
  • mitetea kilo 1
  • mayai gramu 42

7. Unguja

  • Hawatofautiani sana na wa Pemba
  • Vilemba vyake ni mchanganyiko- vidogo an vikubwa
  • Majogoo kilo 1.6
  • Mitetea kilo 1.2
  • Mayai gramu 42


  1. Wastahimilivu wa Magonjwa
  2. Wana uwezo wa kujitafutia chakula
  3. Huatamia, kutotoa na kulea vifaranga
  4. Wanastahimili mazingira magumu(ukame, baridi n.k)
  5. Nyama yake ina ladha nzuri


  1. Wajengewe nyumba bora
  2. Wapewe kinga dhidi ya ugonjwa wa Mdondo (New Castle), Ndui (Fowl Pox) pamoja na kinga ya minyoo.
  3. Malezi bora ya vifaranga
  4. Kuwapatia chakula cha ziada pamoja na maji ya kunywa ya kutosha.


Eneo inapojengwa nyumba au banda la kuku liwe

  • Linafikika kwa urahisi
  • Limeinuka juu pasituame maji
  • Pasiwe na pepo zinazovuma

Vifaa kama miti, nyasi, makuti, fito, udongo mabanzi ya miti, cement, mabati n.k

Sifa za Nyumba Bora ya Kuku

  • Paa imara lisilovuja
  • Kuta zisiwe na nyufa
  • Sakafu isiwe na nyufa
  • Madirisha ya kutosha kupitisha hewa
  • Iwe na mlango wa kuingia kufanya usafi
  • Iwe na ukubwa (nafasi) unaolingana na idadi ya kuku. Wastani wa kuku 10-15 kwa mita moja mraba

Mambo muhimu ndani ya nyumba

  • Chaga za kulalia kuku
  • Sakafu iwekwe maranda (wood shavings), makapi ya mpunga, n.k
  • Viota vya kutagia mayai sentimita 35x35x35 na idadi ya viota iwe nusu ya idadi ya kuku waliofikia hatua ya kutaga na viwekwe sehemu iliyojificha (faragha)


Kuna njia 2

  • Njia ya kubuni (incubators)
  • Asili

Kumuandaa kuku anayeatamia

  • Weka maranda au majani makavu ndani ya kiota
  • Anapokaribia kuatamia toa mayai ndani ya kiota pamoja na maranda, hakikisha mikono haina manukato
  • Nyunyiza dawa ya kuua wadudu (viroboto, utitiri n.k) ndani ya kiota, pia mnyunyizie dawa kuku anayetarajia kulalia mayai
  • Rudisha mayai kwenye kiota ili kuku aanze kuatamia
  • Kwa kawaida kuku hulalia mayai yake kwa muda wa siku 21 ndipo huanguliwa


Kuna njia mbili

  • Njia ya kubuni
  • Njia ya asili

Njia ya ASILI

Kuku mwenyewe hutembea na vifaranga akivisaidia kutafuta chakula. Ni vizuri kumtenga kuku mwenye vifaranga katika chumba chake pekee ili vifaranga wasishambuliwe na kuku wengine hali kadhalika kuwalinda na wanyama na ndege wanaoshambulia vifaranga.

Njia ya KUBUNI

Vifaranga huwekwa kwa pamoja kwenye chumba maalum na kupatiwa joto maalum, chakula pamoja na maji. Tumia taa ya kandili (chemli), umeme au jiko la mkaa na hiyo taa iweke kwenye mzingo(mduara) walipo vifaranga. Pia kuna kifaa kinaitwa Kinondoni Brooder ni kizuri kwa kutunzia vifaranga. Kwa kutumia kifaa hiki kuku wanaweza kunyang'anywa vifaranga vyao mara tu baada ya kutotoa na kuviweka kwenye hii brooder na hao kuku wakaachwa bila vifaranga vyao, baada ya majuma matatu au manne, kuku hao huanza tena utagaji na kuendelea na uatamiaji hadi kutotoa tena. Kwa mtindo huu kuku anaweza kutotoa mara 5-6 badala ya kama ilivyo sasa mara 2-3 kwa mwaka. Vifaranga vikae ndani ya brooder majuma 3-4 na baadaye fungua milango ya brooder kuruhusu vifaranga vitoke na kuzungukazunguka chumbani bila kuvitoa nje kw kipindi cha mwezi mmoja au zaidi kutegemeana na mazingira.


Kuku mkubwa huhitaji gramu 120 za chakula kwa siku, ni vizuri kuku wanaofugwa huria (free range) kupatiwa chakula cha ziada gramu 30 kila siku nyakati za jioni.

Kuku walishwe

  • Mizizi-mihogo, viazi vitamu, mbatata, magimbi, n.k
  • Nafaka-mahindi, Mpunga, Mtama, Ulezi na Pumba za nafaka zote
  • Mboga-Mikundekunde, nyanya, milonge, majani ya mapapai
  • Matunda-Mapapai, maembe, n.k
  • Mbegu za Mafuta-Karanga, ufuta, mashudu ya pamba, alizeti, n.k
  • Unga wa dagaa
  • Maji


  • Pumba.............kilo20
  • Mashudu ya Pamba n.k...kilo 3
  • Dagaa iliyosagwa.........kilo 1
  • Unga wa majani uliokaushwa kivulini na kusagwa........kilo 2
  • Unga wa Mifupa ..........kilo 0.25
  • Chokaa ya mifugo ........kilo 0.25
  • Chumvi........................gramu 30
  • Vichanganyio/Premix...gramu 25


  • Uwiano wa mitetea na jogoo ni mitetea 10-12 kwa jogoo mmoja
  • Sifa za mtetea ni mkubwa kiumbo, mtagaji mayai mengi, muatamiaji mzuri na mlezi wa vifaranga
  • Sifa za jogoo ni awe mkubwa kiumbo, miguru imara na yenye nguvu, mrefu, upanga/kilemba kikubwa, awe na uwezo wa kuitia chakula mitetea na awe na tabia ya kupenda vifaranga
  • Jogoo huanza kupanda akiwa na umri wa miezi 7-10 na kuendelea hadi miaka mitatu na asipande watoto wake
  • Mitetea huanza kutaga wakiwa na miezi 6-8


1. Mdondo/New castle

Virus vinavyosababisha ugonjwa huu huenezwa kwa hewa


  • Kuhalisha choo cha kijani na njano
  • Kukohoa na kupumua kwa shida
  • Kupinda shingo kwa nyuma
  • Kuficha kichwa katikati ya miguu
  • Kukosa hamu ya kula na kunywa
  • Idadi kubwa ya vifo hadi 90%


  • Chanjo (New Castle vaccine) kwa mpango wa siku 3, wiki 3, miezi 3
  • Epuka kuingiza kuku wageni
  • Choma au fukie mizoga ya kuku waliokufa kwa ugonjwa
  • Zingatia usafi wa mazingira


Virus huambukizwa kupitia jeraha au mbu


  • Vidonda vyenye utando wa kahawia/purple kwenye sehemu zinazoonekana
  • Kukosa hamu ya kula
  • Vifo vingi


  • Chanja vifaranga wanapofikia mwezi 1-2 kwa kutumia chanjo ya Fowl pox vaccine
  • Epuka kuingiza kuku wageni
  • Zingatia usafi wa mazingira


  • Kuharisha kinyesi cha kijani na nyeupe
  • Kuku hukosa hamu ya kula
  • Kuku hukonda
  • Vifo hutokea kidogo kidogo kwa muda mrefu
  • Kinyeshi hushikamana na manyoya


Dawa aina ya antibiotic, sulfa na vitamini


  • Usafi
  • Fukia mizoga
  • Usiingize kuku wageni
  • Chinja kuku wote mara ugonjwa huu ukiingia na safisha banda, pia pumzika kufuga kwa miezi 6


Hutokana na bakitelia na hushambulia hasa kuku wakubwa


  • Kuvimba uso
  • Kamasizilizochanganyikana na usaha unaonuka
  • Macho huvimba na kutoa machozi na pengine upofu
  • Hukosa hamu ya kula
  • Mbawa huchafuka na kutoa harufu mbaya


Dawa za Antibiotic, sulfa na vitamini


Husababishwa na vijidudu vya Protozoa


  • Kuharisha damu
  • Manyoya husimama
  • Hulala na kukosa hamu ya kula



  • Kunya minyoo
  • Hukosa hamu ya kula
  • Hukonda au kudumaa
  • Wakati mwingine hukohoa


Dawa ya minyoo/Pipeazine citrate kila baada ya miezi mitatu


Viroboto, chawa, utitiri


  • Kujikuna na kujikung'uta
  • Manyoya kuwa hafifu
  • Rangi ya upanga kuwa hafifu
  • Ngozi kuwa nene, ngumu na yenye magamba yanayodondoka kama unga


  • Ziba mipasuko sakafuni na kwenye kuta za banda
  • Fagia banda mara mbili kwa wiki
  • Nyunyiza majivu au chokaa mara moja kwa wiki mara baada ya kufagia
  • Choma masalia ya mayai yaliyoanguliwa
  • Nyunyiza dawa kwenye viota
  • Weka maranda, majani makavu, makapi ya mpunga ya kutosha sakafuni ndani ya banda la kuku
  • Fuata kanuni za chanjo
  • Tenga kuku wagonjwa wakae mbali na kuku wazima



  • Kuku hupungua damu, uzito na kudumaa
  • Mifupa huwa laini na kutokuwa imara
  • Hutaga mayai yenye gamba laini na madogo
  • Huwa na manyoya dhaifu